The column by the Times’s Public Editor, Arthur Brisbane, on the case of Raymond Davis—the man who reportedly had some connection to the C.I.A. and is now in Pakistani custody after killing two men who, he has said, he thought were thieves—is genuinely puzzling. The Times reported last week that it had kept silent about Davis’s C.I.A. connection. Brisbane attempted to explain why. Here are the key passages: The Times jumped on the story, but on Feb. 8, the State Department spokesman, P.J. Crowley, contacted the executive editor, Bill Keller, with a request. “He was asking us not to speculate, or to recycle charges in the Pakistani press,” Mr. Keller said. “His concern was that the letters C-I-A in an article in the NYT, even as speculation, would be taken as authoritative and would be a red flag in Pakistan.” Mr. Crowley told me the United States was concerned about Mr. Davis’s safety while in Pakistani custody. The American government hoped to avoid inflaming Pakistani opinion and to create “as constructive an atmosphere as possible” while working to resolve the diplomatic crisis. The Times acceded to the Obama Administration’s wishes, as did the Washington Post and the A.P. Brisbane concludes that “the Times did the only thing it could do,” even though “in practice, this meant its stories contained material that, in the cold light of retrospect, seems very misleading.” So the “only thing” the Times could do was be “misleading”? That question contains a lot of sub-questions. Here are some: 1. What was the risk to Davis, exactly? He is in the custody of Pakistan, one of our allies. It is not like he’s being held hostage in a cave somewhere, or on the run. One suggestion, laid out in the Post, is that a prison guard might have killed him out of anger; the Post mentions that other prisoners had, in fact, been killed by guards in the facility he was held in. Were those prisoners also working for the C.I.A.? (Or whatever agency Davis was affiliated with, as an “operative” or a contractor—his exact status is still not clear.) There was rage, maybe even life-threatening rage, at Davis in Pakistan even when the U.S. was pretending he was an ordinary diplomat—pulling out a Beretta on the streets of Lahore and shooting two people, then claiming immunity, will do that. He was burned in effigy before the Times used “the letters C-I-A.” One could just as easily argue that news that the American media covered up for Davis would make the Pakistani public even madder, and less willing to trust American justice and intentions, encouraging vigilantes. (In any event, after the Guardian went with the story, the Administration told the Times that it needed twenty-four hours to get the Pakistanis to put him in a safer facility; if it took the Guardian story to persuade the Pakistanis, could one in the Times have facilitated a move weeks earlier?) Or is the idea that the attacker wouldn’t be a rogue guard, but an Pakistani government operative sent to take him out, or maybe torture him for intelligence? There are a couple of problems with that: (a) the Pakistani government, if not the public, seems to have known who Davis was without American newspapers telling it; and (b) if we think that Pakistani security services torture or kill people because they are C.I.A. operatives, then why are we giving them so much taxpayer money? Or would the story endanger his safety because it would undermine a claim to diplomatic immunity, exposing him to years in a Pakistani prison (not so good for one’s health) or even capital punishment? If so, does that count as a good reason? I am not sure of the points of international law here, and have read conflicting assertions about what Davis’s standing was, and exactly what sort of immunity he might have been eligible for. I also am not sure of the penalty for double murder in Pakistan. But if Davis isn’t entitled to diplomatic immunity then he isn’t entitled to diplomatic immunity. Do we believe that it’s the role of newspapers to pretend that he is, if he isn’t—to help the government make legally and factually false claims? (Is the press asked to suppress damaging details in cases of Americans charged with murders abroad who aren’t C.I.A. operatives?) And wouldn’t doing so endanger actual diplomats whose claims would, in the future, be treated with greater skepticism? Maybe the danger was not to Davis but to the C.I.A.’s ability to operate with impunity within Pakistan. But that’s not the argument Brisbane presents, and has its own problems. (Is it the job of newspapers to create “as constructive an atmosphere as possible” for anything the government wants to do?) Anyway, the damage had been done by the incident itself; it was really a matter of making sense of the wreckage. And Davis was not arrested for spying but for killing people recklessly; the widow of one, an eighteen-year old, killed herself. Do journalists need, at the cost of their credibility, to deny these people’s survivors a day in court? Maybe the Administration had good answers, and a better explanation of the danger to Davis; but those answers weren’t in the Times. 2. Who was the intended audience, or, rather, non-audience, for the silence? Put differently, who was this supposed to be kidding? Crowley, according to the Times, was not asking the paper to suppress something that hadn’t been reported but, as Keller put it, “not to speculate or recycle charges in the Pakistani press.” So news outlets were asked not to tell Americans, among others, what Pakistanis were already reading? (It is also interesting that this involved elevating the “authoritative” Times and disparaging the Pakistani press—which was actually ahead on the story.) Was the government, beyond its protestations about Davis’s safety, concerned about how this might affect American views of our wars, or cause people here to question elements of our involvement in Pakistan or our use of private contractors? (Davis had worked until some point for Blackwater, the company now known as Xe.) This relates to the next question: 3. How did agreeing to the Administration’s request affect not only what the Times, the Post, and the A.P. revealed, but how they reported the story? When Crowley asked the Times “not to speculate or recycle charges,” did he say the charges were false, or did he confirm them—was the problem that the speculation was unsubstantiated, or that it was true? Is “recycle” in this case a synonym for “follow up on,” “investigate,” or “pursue”? (The Times doesn’t exactly say what the paper knew when, although it quotes Washington editor Dean Baquet as saying that it had the information it needed “sometime before” the Guardian ran its piece.) Does feigning ignorance encourage actual ignorance—if nothing else as a way to avoid being “misleading” about what you do and don’t know? One would like to hear much more about how these news outlets, even just internally, interrogated the official story. The restrictions may have hindered the paper in conveying just why Pakistanis were so angry. That is something that Americans—the families of our soldiers on the Afghanistan-Pakistan border, and really everyone—deserve, and even need, to know. Brisbane did not accomplish that here, either. How is it that, in an eleven-hundred-word column that includes a quote from Bob Woodward about how “I learned a long time ago, humanitarian considerations first, journalism second,” there wasn’t room to mention that the death toll in the incident was not two, but three? After shooting the two men, Davis called our embassy for help, and a four-wheel-drive vehicle slammed its way through Lahore to get to him, driving recklessly, going up streets the wrong way, breaking traffic laws. Because this is real life and not an action movie, the car hit and killed a bystander. (I live in New York, a city in which, for years, the easiest way for the tabloids to excite rage was to point to diplomats who used their immunity to get out of parking tickets; how would that kind of driving go over here?) Brisbane called this “a brutally hard call.” And, again, the Obama Administration may have told the Times things that the paper still hasn’t told its readers, which would make all of this seem a little more sensible than it does now. But that’s not what we’re left with. What we get, instead, is Brisbane’s credo: “Editors don’t have the standing to make a judgment that a story—any story—is worth a life.” It’s not so simple. Unless you are only covering the Oscars, you get into areas in which lives can be changed by your reporting, or your failure to report. You can’t simply abdicate. For one thing, doing so may cost more lives: reporting, say, that bad training or poor command judgment caused soldiers to kill civilians may make people angry at American soldiers, but it might lead to changes that keep more civilians from being killed, and stave off a subsequent cycle of anger and retribution. Our best defense when our government does something wrong is that we hold it accountable—that an eighteen-year-old widow can trust that we care, a little, about her abandonment. That is the nature of our system, and what prevents rage at an American operative from becoming rage broadly directed at “Americans.” Also: governments are lazy, and politicians confuse risks to their careers with risks to their countries. If they can prevent the publication of embarrassing stories simply by repeating the word “danger,” then they will misuse and overuse that tactic. The press can’t let that happen. It’s a matter of responsibility. *** February 28, 2011Posted by Amy Davidson
People cheer during a celebration of the liberation of eastern Libya On Friday, massive Arab Revolutionary demonstrations were held throughout the Middle East, amid Gaddafi's brutal mercenary militia killing more protesters in Libya. Press TV interviewed International Lawyer, Franklin Lamb from Beirut regarding the uprisings in the Middle East. Press TV: I would like to welcome Dr. Franklin Lamb from Beirut now. Thank you so much for being with us. Now yesterday was an interesting day Mr. Lamb. We saw more protests of course in Yemen, in Libya, in Bahrain and in Jordan. We also saw a revisiting of the previous two revolutionary countries meaning Tunisia and Egypt. What do you say about the state of affairs in the region? Do you think what we are looking at is something that is going to evolve into permanent change, or is there concern that right now as the Tunisians and Egyptians seem to be expressing that there is just figureheads changing, and not enough significant changes? What direction do you see the region going? Are we seeing total change? Lamb: Thank you. This regional revolution, this standing up or uprisings, I think it has got legs and it's broadening and deepening and unlike what Condoleezza Rice said here about in 2006 regarding a new Middle East, it's a new Middle East and probably the opposite of what she had in mind. That is where we are and yes, I think it will sustain. I think the danger is lessening of hijacking this revolution. I site as evidence of that the committees of the different countries particularly in Egypt. They are calling it a coalition to protect the games they achieve. That means when they meet the military that they hold them to their words. They cite the demands for progress and verification of real change. Of course, it's in the hands of the people. We cannot help them other than to encourage this historic movement. I have confidence from your footage, and other reports that these people are serious. It is fundamental. It is a deep endemic revolt after years of oppression. I disagree with my colleague Robert Fisk who says there is no religious aspect. I think the justice and equality that is inherent in Islam and its practitioners is a factor not the Wahabbie -Salafee sort of extremist versions, but the quest for justice is a factor in here. I don't think these people are going to allow this to be hijacked. It may take more time. Press TV: You said Islam is very much a part of these movements. Why do you think this is the case with much of the mainstream media? It is more human rights or equal rights that the protesters are demanding. Why is it that the international media present it as if Islam would be exclusive of that? Lamb: Well I think it's just fundamentally ignorance. We are a long way away, and we have so many of our own problems in the West for the last hundred years with our own culture. We just do not understand Islam. I can tell you here in Beirut when Westerns come here and see Islam in practice. The beauty of Islam is that it's a way of life and it's not some sort of jihadist that are media likes to identify with. Part of the problem is we have been a little lazy in the West. We have not had respect of others enough to study Islam. Of course, there will be no revolution without Islam because the essence of Islam is of course the quest for justice. Therefore, I think that is our problem. We have to catch up. We are going to catch up in the sense that we are not in control. I believe the beliefs of these people and these images are going to be sustained. It's not going to be easy and we are worried about certain aspects of that. However, I think the leadership will come and the way of life and the culture of resistance are too strong. The idea is too powerful to be turned to the side. There will be efforts to hijack it. The paradigm of the West has been three things: Put in a despot or someone who represents stability, make sure that they are compliant in terms of military means and as you know, we have those 800 bases in 130 countries, and then finally support our foreign policy with respect to Israel. The despots were happy to do that. Are these people going to be satisfied with the occupation of Palestine? Of course not. Is it at the forefront right now? No, but is it fundamental? Yes, so I am optimistic. I don't see that the West has the power to turn this thing aside. I think the region is changing dramatically. It's a fundamental change and the most the West can do is to respect these new governments on the basis of equality, and apply the tenets in the United Nations charter such as principals of equality and I think there can then be peace and good relations. I know that sounds a little idealistic, but I have confidence that these people are going to demand that. I hope that the American people will also demand that. Press TV: They are saying, “Down, down Hamad!” in reference to the Bahraini King. Mr. Lamb, how significant is this chant, as it seems they are not only asking for a change in the government but total regime change in Bahrain. Lamb: Yes, and these images are enormously powerful. Who is going to hijack [this uprising]? We are all worried about hijacking the revolution. I don't think these people will easily be hijacked. Hamed was considered a special case. You know the little reforms he did. He is a favorite of the Americans because not only [his country is home to the US] fifth fleet but [because] of his connection with Saudi Arabia etc… As a King, he will likely start to blame the problems on the government, make some changes and survive. The presidents will fall in the Middle East ... The monarchs are in a better position some say but they may not be the case with Hamad. I mean the family has been I think you said 300 years or something. He is in danger now with his kind of persistence in resisting. That is the key to success and all of this is simply persistence and persistence. Thus, I think it's very significant. It has to be of enormous concern to Saudi Arabia and Washington. The big question is can he survive? The images suggest that he may not survive. Press TV: On that note I would like to thank you International Lawyer, and Middle East Analysis, Dr. Franklin Lamb from Beirut. NM/PKH 
As American newspapers lifted a self-imposed gag on the CIA links of Raymond Davis, in place on the request of the US administration, The Express Tribune has now learnt that the alleged killer of two Pakistanis had close links with the Tehreek-e-Taliban Pakistan (TTP).
The families of the two people allegedly murdered by Raymond Davis are coming under pressure from politicians and religious groups not to strike any deals that would allow for Davis’ release.